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July 27, 2019

Trump, the Squad, and taking solace

The well-being of the working class, and therefore the country, is the priority of any serious political party. The Democratic Party long presented itself as representing labor, but in fact for decades worked in the service of big business. Only as of late has it moved leftward—toward the center—in its policy orientation.

The Republicans have continued on their rightward path, moving further and further away from what a majority of Americans want. This has necessitated the application of rhetoric fueling racism and panic over foreign threats to encourage voter support of policies contrary to working-class interests.

Despite the ad copy, Trump has in actuality operated as a mainstream Republican, adhering to party orthodoxy such as tax cuts, deregulation, and reduction of social spending. His so-called populist approach (which isn't populist), however, has been to engage in theater, make outrageous commentary, and appeal to people's baser instincts. And it has paid off, landing him in the Oval Office while securing a devoted base of voters who apparently will follow him regardless of what he says or does. Despite being thoroughly unpopular, his defeat in 2020 is no guarantee.

It is therefore a source of relief that Trump is not worse, or better, than he is.

Were he in a sense worse, I worry what that would look like. Fortunately, Trump is transparent. He is prone to juvenile and cartoonish behavior. He cuts a dictatorial figure, but possesses no deep ideological convictions. Yet, given the full visibility of his character, he still retains over 40 percent approval, if just. The president's latest doings are testament to the durability of his following.

By now, it is well known the remarks Trump has made regarding the four Democratic Representatives known as "the Squad."

In a tweet on July 14, Trump suggested that certain progressive women in Congress—taken to mean Ilhan Omar (MN), Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (NY), Rashida Tlaib (MI), and Ayanna Pressley (MA)—should "go back" to their presumed countries of origin. Only Omar, if it even bears mentioning, was born in a foreign country.

Days later, at a political rally in North Carolina, the president continued his attack. The crowd responded, in reference to criticisms of Omar, by chanting "Send her back." A few days following that, Trump tweeted: "I don’t believe the four Congresswomen are capable of loving our Country."

The president's accusations—of elected members of the legislature, no less—have been baseless and dangerous. Ocasio-Cortez was recently threatened on Facebook in a post maintaining that "This vile idiot needs a round," thinly implying she should be shot. The message, it is worth noting, was posted by a police officer.

Unsurprisingly, the Republican Party has responded with a mixture of silence and mumbling.

Also of no surprise is the broad popular disagreement with Trump's behavior. A Fox News poll found that 63 percent of Americans think Trump's tweets "crossed the line." (Yet, according to the Washington Post, Fox News only covered those aspects of the poll casting Trump in a positive light, but did not see fit to report the less flattering results.)

Furthermore, at least in a workplace, language of the kind the president has been using could constitute illegal discrimination. CNN reported that it reviewed several complaints filed with the US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission and "found a few where similar language to what Trump used was considered evidence of discrimination in the workplace."

Still, Trump's base remains steadfast and loyal. But be that as it may, there is cause for consolation in all this. I take solace in the fact that someone has not (yet) walked onto the American political stage who is both charismatic and a true believer. Trump, thankfully, is neither.

I am picturing someone who not only employs Trump's use of ultranationalism, fear-mongering, scapegoating, and strong-man bombast, but for whom those traits and tactics are an indicator of what lies within. I am picturing someone who is polished (with an edge), urbane (but masculine), educated (but "keeps it real"), and has a strong physical presence. An astute and great manipulator. A believer with a vision. Because were this person to emerge on the political scene in this country, there would be much to fear.

That is if he was worse. What if he were better?

Trump seems remarkably disinterested in expanding his base. He appears at ease with relying on the 40 percent to award him a second term in the White House.

Though perhaps a new low point, messaging of the type directed at the Squad is central to Trump's brand. This particular case, however, is part of a general strategy to cast the Democrats as radical leftists—or at minimum, currently being hijacked by radical leftists: "They [the Squad]," as another executive tweet put it, "are pulling the once great Democrat Party far left."

In other words, the priority is not policy and legislation. And this is another cause for consolation. The president is content to do what he does best, which is to play to his supporters while maligning his opponents. Reaching across the aisle and chalking up legislative victories—which, true, could benefit the Democrats as well—has not been on the agenda.

As the New York Times reflected, "What would Mr. Trump’s prospects for re-election look like if he pressured Senator Mitch McConnell, the majority leader, into passing bipartisan measures to spend billions of dollars on infrastructure, lower the cost of prescription drugs and increase the minimum wage?"

The question answers itself.

As things sit, and as mentioned, Trump's defeat in the next election is not assured. According to a recent analysis in the Times, Trump's standing in key northern swing states could feasibly tip the Electoral College in his favor, even while losing the popular vote by a margin greater than that in 2016.

What the Democrats are peddling, people want. There is solid majority approval—the customary 60 percent—for taxing assets exceeding $50 million, for some kind of government healthcare plan, for free state college, and so on. The public opinion record is well known. When Trump and the GOP use language like "radical left," they are talking about most people. That is to say, the center.

The Democrats are finally beginning to function as a labor party. This election is their's to lose. And they might. It depends on how the candidates play their cards. And it depends even more on how Americans play theirs.

In the meantime, I will take a measure of comfort in the fact that Trump is neither more nor less of himself.

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